ADDI Pushes a “Right of First Refusal” for Diaspora Businesses—Will African States Sign On?

When Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao founded the African Diaspora Development
Institute (ADDI) five years ago, she was clear about one non-negotiable demand:
Africans in the diaspora should enjoy the right of first refusal on public and private
contracts across the continent. Today that rallying cry is no longer a footnote in
speeches; it is written into ADDI’s core literature, repeated in press interviews, and
echoed at diaspora business forums from New York to Nairobi. But is the slogan
translating into policy on the ground?

From concept to institutional policy

ADDI’s own “About” page leaves little room for doubt. Nestled between mission
statements on unity and investment is a concise promise: “Through our extensive
database, our hope is that the African governments will gift the African diaspora
businesses … first right of refusal of all developmental contracts in Africa,
national and continental projects.” ADDI

Placing the phrase in official copy elevates it from aspirational rhetoric to declared
organizational policy, signaling to African leaders and would-be investors that ADDI
intends to lobby for it everywhere it operates.

Media confirmations reinforce the message

Independent reporting confirms the consistency of that stance. In a February 2023
Greater Diversity News exclusive covering an ADDI marketplace meeting, the headline
takeaway was unambiguous: “The intent is for Africans of the diaspora to have the right
of first refusal to any deal within their company’s capacity.” Greater Diversity News –
The article quotes Dr. Arikana urging students and business owners alike to register
with ADDI so governments can “gift” those priority opportunities.

Likewise, in a 2020 interview with New York Amsterdam News, Dr. Arikana described
her pitch to heads of state in blunt terms: “We are reaching out to the heads of states
and saying … we need you to start giving us the first right of refusal for every
contract coming out of your countries.” New York Amsterdam News

A month later, speaking on the ODANA Network, she reiterated the plan: “All
opportunities—first right of refusal—must be given to the African diaspora.” ITS-IN-
SCOPE The repetition across platforms over half a decade shows a deliberate strategy
rather than a passing talking point.

Why “right of first refusal” matters

Granting diaspora-owned firms the first option on contracts would mark a sharp break
from the post-colonial procurement patterns that still favor multinationals headquartered
in former colonial powers. In sectors ranging from road construction to digital

infrastructure, governments typically post tenders internationally; by the time small or
mid-sized Black-owned enterprises see the bid, global giants have already tabled
proposals.

A statutory or administrative “first look” for diaspora bidders could:

1. Redirect capital—keeping a share of profits in Black communities worldwide
   rather than expatriating earnings to Western capitals.
2. Transfer skills—pairing diaspora technical capacity with local labor forces,
   mitigating Africa’s brain-drain paradox.
3. Build political goodwill—showing citizens that governments value global
   African expertise instead of defaulting to legacy contractors.

ADDI argues that such advantages are essential if African economies are to climb the
value chain rather than remain raw-material exporters.

Early traction—and real-world hurdles

Several African leaders have expressed openness in principle, but codifying the policy
is another matter. Procurement laws must be amended, and watchdogs fear that
carving out diaspora preferences could clash with competitive-bidding standards or
invite nepotism. ADDI counters that the right would not extinguish competition; it would
merely give qualified diaspora firms the first chance to match or beat existing bids
before contracts go to non-African multinationals.

Another hurdle is capacity. Diaspora entrepreneurs often lack the balance sheets to
self-finance multimillion-dollar infrastructure deals. ADDI’s solution is to organize pooled
investment funds and joint-venture frameworks, enabling smaller firms to combine
resources and meet tender requirements.

The diplomatic dimension

Lobbying individual ministries is only part of the battle. Because many large
infrastructure programs are funded by multilateral lenders—think the African
Development Bank or China’s Exim Bank—contract awards can be influenced by
external financiers’ guidelines. ADDI therefore presses African negotiators to insert
diaspora preference clauses upstream while deals are still being structured.
Regional blocs could also play a role. If the African Continental Free Trade Area
Secretariat were to endorse diaspora preference language, it would create a continental
precedent and reduce fears of violating World Trade Organization rules on non-
discrimination.

What comes next

ADDI is currently piloting its strategy in a handful of “early-adopter” countries, quietly
signing memoranda of understanding that commit ministries to alert ADDI’s deal desk
before publishing project tenders. Public disclosure of those MOUs has been limited,
but insiders suggest sectors like agribusiness processing and affordable housing may
see the first diaspora-led bids in 2025–26.
For the diaspora, the stakes are high. Securing first-look status could unlock billions in
contracts and help reverse centuries of extractive economics. Failure, on the other

hand, could deepen skepticism about whether Pan-African rhetoric ever migrates from
conference stages to construction sites.

Bottom line: The “right of first refusal” has moved from podium slogan to concrete
policy ask, embedded in ADDI’s charter and echoed across influential media. Whether it
becomes African procurement law depends on sustained advocacy, clever deal
structuring, and diaspora firms demonstrating they can deliver top-tier projects at scale.
The next two years will reveal whether African leaders are ready to put African-led
development literally at the front of the line.

By Peter Grear, with AI assistance